인터넷서점 인터파크도서

"Mr. Diamond...is a lucid writer with an ability to make arcane scientific concepts readiily accesible to the lay reader, and his case studies of failed cultures are never less than compelling." ―The New York Times "...Collapse is a magisterial effort packed with insight and written with clarity and enthusiasm." ―Businessweek "Guns, Germs, and Steel and Collapse represent one of the most significant projects embarked upon by any intellectual of our generation. They are magnificent books: extraordinary in erudition and originality, compelling in their ability to relate the digitized pandemonium of the present to the hushed agrarian sunrises of the far past. I read both thinking what literature might be like if every author knew so much, wrote so clearly and formed arguments with such care." ―Gregg Easterbrook, The New York Times Book Review

List of Mapsp. xiii Prologue: A Tale of Two Farmsp. 1 Two farms Collapses, past and present Vanished Edens? A five-point framework Businesses and the environment The comparative method Plan of the book Modern Montanap. 25 Under Montana's Big Skyp. 27 Stan Falkow's story Montana and me Why begin with Montana? Montana's economic history Mining Forests Soil Water Native and non-native species Differing visions Attitudes towards regulation Rick Laible's story Chip Pigman's story Tim Huls's story John Cooks story Montana, model of the world Past Societiesp. 77 Twilight at Easterp. 79 The quarry's mysteries Easter's geography and history People and food Chiefs, clans, and commoners Platforms and statues Carving, transporting, erecting The vanished forest Consequences for society Europeans and explanations Why was Easter fragile? Easter as metaphor The Last People Alive: Pitcairn and Henderson Islandsp. 120 Pitcairn before the Bounty Three dissimilar islands Trade The movie's ending The Ancie...nt Ones: The Anasazi and Their Neighborsp. 136 Desert farmers Tree rings Agricultural strategies Chaco's problems and packrats Regional integration Chaco's decline and end Chaco's message The Maya Collapsesp. 157 Mysteries of lost cities The Maya environment Maya agriculture Maya history Cop? Complexities of collapses Wars and droughts Collapse in the southern lowlands The Maya message The Viking Prelude and Fuguesp. 178 Experiments in the Atlantic The Viking explosion Autocatalysis Viking agriculture Iron Viking chiefs Viking religion Orkneys, Shetlands, Faeroes Iceland's environment Iceland's history Iceland in context Vinland Norse Greenland's Floweringp. 211 Europe's outpost Greenland's climate today Climate in the past Native plants and animals Norse settlement Farming Hunting and fishing An integrated economy Society Trade with Europe Self-image Norse Greenland's Endp. 248 Introduction to the end Deforestation Soil and turf damage The Inuit's predecessors Inuit subsistence Inuit/Norse relations The end Ultimate causes of the end Opposite Paths to Successp. 277 Bottom up, top down New Guinea highlands Tikopia Tokugawa problems Tokugawa solutions Why Japan succeeded Other successes Modern Societiesp. 309 Malthus in Africa: Rwanda's Genocidep. 311 A dilemma Events in Rwanda More than ethnic hatred Buildup in Kanama Explosion in Kanama Why it happened One Island, Two Peoples, Two Histories: The Dominican Republic and Haitip. 329 Differences Histories Causes of divergence Dominican environmental impacts Balaguer The Dominican environment today The future China, Lurching Giantp. 358 China's significance Background Air, water, soil Habitat, species, megaprojects Consequences Connections The future ?ining?Australiap. 378 Australia's significance Soils Water Distance Early history Imported values Trade and immigration Land degradation Other environmental problems Signs of hope and change Practical Lessonsp. 417 Why Do Some Societies Make Disastrous Decisions?p. 419 Road map for success Failure to anticipate Failure to perceive Rational bad behavior Disastrous values Other irrational failures Unsuccessful solutions Signs of hope Big Businesses and the Environment: Different Conditions, Different Outcomesp. 441 Resource extraction Two oil fields Oil company motives Hardrock mining operations Mining company motives Differences among mining companies The logging industry Forest Stewardship Council The seafood industry Businesses and the public The World as a Polder: What Does It All Mean to Us Today?p. 486 Introduction The most serious problems If we don't solve them... Life in Los Angeles One-liner objections The past and the present Reasons for hope Afterword: Angkor's Rise and Fallp. 526 Questions about Angkor Angkor's environment Angkor's rise The great city Magnificent engineering Angkor's decline Acknowledgmentsp. 540 Further Readingsp. 543 Indexp. 575 Illustration Creditsp. 590 Table of Contents provided by Ingram. All Rights Reserved.

PROLOGUE A Tale of Two Farms A few summers ago I visited two dairy farms, Huls Farm and Gardar Farm, which despite being located thousands of miles apart were still remarkably similar in their strengths and vulnerabilities. Both were by far the largest, most prosperous, most technologically advanced farms in their respective districts. In particular, each was centered around a magnificent state-of-the-art barn for sheltering and milking cows. Those structures, both neatly divided into opposite-facing rows of cow stalls, dwarfed all other barns in the district. Both farms let their cows graze outdoors in lush pastures during the summer, produced their own hay to harvest in the late summer for feeding the cows through the winter, and increased their production of summer fodder and winter hay by irrigating their fields. The two farms were similar in area (a few square miles) and in barn size, Huls barn holding somewhat more cows than Gardar barn (200 vs. 165 cows, respectively). The owners of both farms were viewed as leaders of their respective societies. Both owners were deeply religious. Both farms were located in gorgeous natural settings that attract tourists from afar, with backdrops of high snow-capped mountains drained by streams teaming with fish, and sloping down to a famous river (below Huls Farm) or 3ord (below Gardar Farm). Those were the shared strengths of the two farms. As for their shared vulnerabilities, both lay in districts economically marginal for dairying, because their high northern latitudes meant a short summer growing season in which to produce pasture grass and hay. Because the climate was thus suboptimal even in good years, compared to dairy farms at lower latitudes, both farms were susceptible to being harmed by climate change, with drought or cold being the main concerns in the districts of Huls Farm or Gardar Farm respectively. Both districts lay far from population centers to which they could market their products, so that transportation costs and hazards placed them at a competitive disadvantage compared to more centrally located districts. The economies of both farms were hostage to forces beyond their owners’ control, such as the changing affluence and tastes of their customers and neighbors. On a larger scale, the economies of the countries in which both farms lay rose and fell with the waxing and waning of threats from distant enemy societies. The biggest difference between Huls Farm and Gardar Farm is in their current status. Huls Farm, a family enterprise owned by five siblings and their spouses in the Bitterroot Valley of the western U.S. state of Montana, is currently prospering, while Ravalli County in which Huls Farm lies boasts one of the highest population growth rates of any American county. Tim, Trudy, and Dan Huls, who are among Huls Farm’s owners, personally took me on a tour of their high-tech new barn, and patiently explained to me the attractions and vicissitudes of dairy farming in Montana. I...t is inconceivable that the United States in general, and Huls Farm in particular, will collapse in the foreseeable future. But Gardar Farm, the former manor farm of the Norse bishop of southwestern Greenland, was abandoned over 500 years ago. Greenland Norse society collapsed completely: its thousands of inhabitants starved to death, were killed in civil unrest or in war against an enemy, or emigrated, until nobody remained alive. While the strongly built stone walls of Gardar barn and nearby Gardar Cathedral are still standing, so that I was able to count the individual cow stalls, there is no owner to tell me today of Gardar’s former attractions and vicissitudes. Yet when Gardar Farm and Norse Greenland were at their peak, their decline seemed as inconceivable as does the decline of Huls Farm and the U.S. today. Let me make clear: in drawing these parallels between Huls and Gardar Farms, I am not claiming that Huls Farm and American society are doomed to decline. At present, the truth is quite the opposite: Huls Farm is in the process of expanding, its advanced new technology is being studied for adoption by neighboring farms, and the United States is now the most powerful country in the world. Nor am I claiming that farms or societies in general are prone to collapse: while some have indeed collapsed like Gardar, others have survived uninterruptedly for thousands of years. Instead, my trips to Huls and Gardar Farms, thousands of miles apart but visited during the same summer, vividly brought home to me the conclusion that even the richest, technologically most advanced societies today face growing environmental and economic problems that should not be underestimated. Many of our problems are broadly similar to those that undermined Gardar Farm and Norse Greenland, and that many other past societies also struggled to solve. Some of those past societies failed (like the Greenland Norse), and others succeeded (like the Japanese and Tikopians). The past offers us a rich database from which we can learn, in order that we may keep on succeeding. Norse Greenland is just one of many past societies that collapsed or vanished, leaving behind monumental ruins such as those that Shelley imagined in his poem “Ozymandias.” By collapse, I mean a drastic decrease in human population size and/or political/economic/social complexity, over a considerable area, for an extended time. The phenomenon of collapses is thus an extreme form of several milder types of decline, and it becomes arbitrary to decide how drastic the decline of a society must be before it qualifies to be labeled as a collapse. Some of those milder types of decline include the normal minor rises and falls of fortune, and minor political/economic/social restructurings, of any individual society; one society’s conquest by a close neighbor, or its decline linked to the neighbor’s rise, without change in the total population size or complexity of the whole region; and the replacement or overthrow of one governing elite by another. By those standards, most people would consider the following past societies to have been famous victims of full- fledged collapses rather than of just minor declines: the Anasazi and Cahokia within the boundaries of the modern U.S., the Maya cities in Central America, Moche and Tiwanaku societies in South America, Mycenean Greece and Minoan Crete in Europe, Great Zimbabwe in Africa, Angkor Wat and the Harappan Indus Valley cities in Asia, and Easter Island in the Pacific Ocean (map, pp. 4？5). The monumental ruins left behind by those past societies hold a romantic fascination for all of us. We marvel at them when as children we first learn of them through pictures. When we grow up, many of us plan vacations in order to experience them at firsthand as tourists. We feel drawn to their often spectacular and haunting beauty, and also to the mysteries that they pose. The scales of the ruins testify to the former wealth and power of their builders―they boast “Look on my works, ye mighty, and despair!” in Shelley’s words. Yet the builders vanished, abandoning the great structures that they had created at such effort. How could a society that was once so mighty end up collapsing? What were the fates of its individual citizens?―did they move away, and (if so) why, or did they die there in some unpleasant way? Lurking behind this romantic mystery is the nagging thought: might such a fate eventually befall our own wealthy society? Will tourists someday stare mystified at the rusting hulks of New York’s skyscrapers, much as we stare today at the jungle-overgrown ruins of Maya cities? It has long been suspected that many of those mysterious abandonments were at least partly triggered by ecological problems: people inadvertently destroying the environmental resources on which their societies depended. This suspicion of unintended ecological suicide―ecocide―has been confirmed by discoveries made in recent decades by archaeologists, climatologi

제러드 다이아몬드(Jared M. Diamond) [저]

캠브리지 대학에서 생리학 박사 학위를 취득했다. 현재 캘리포니아 주립대(UCLA) 의과대학에서 생리학 교수로 재직 중이며, 1964년부터 뉴기니를 주 무대로 조류생태학을 연구하고 있는 조류학자다. 생리학으로 과학 인생을 시작한 그는 조류학, 진화생물학, 생물지리학으로 영역을 확장해나갔으며, 라틴어, 그리스어, 독일어, 프랑스어, 러시아어 등 수개국어를 구사한다. 세계적으로 유명한 과학 월간지[네이처Nature],[내추럴 히스토리Natural History],[디스커버Discover]등 수많은 고정란에 기고하는 저널리스트이며 이들 과학지의 논설위원도 하는 등 과학 저술인으로도 활약하고 있다. 지은 책으로는 1998년 퓰리처상을 수상한 [총, 균, 쇠], [제3의 침팬지], [섹스의 진화], [문명의 붕괴] 등이 있다.