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Leadership : Six Studies in World Strategy
Kissinger, Henry ¤Ó Penguin Press
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  • ¡°An extraordinary book, one that braids together two through lines in the long and distinguished career of former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. The first is grand strategy: No practical geopolitical thinker has more assuredly mastered the way the modern global system works or how nations use the tools of statecraft to bend an often-resistant world to their will. But Mr. Kissinger is also an astute observer of the personal element in strategy¡ªthe art and science of leadership, or how, on the executive level, ¡®decisions [are] made, trust earned, promises kept, a way forward proposed.¡¯ In Leadership he presents a fascinating set of historical case studies and political biographies that blend the dance and the dancer, seamlessly.¡± ¡ªJames Stavridis, The Wall Street Journal ¡°Although Kissinger, now aged 99, has not held office since 1977, he has advised virtually every US president since Nixon. . . . Elder statesman is an overused term but Kissinger is the genuine article, and worth listening to.¡± ¡ªFinancial Times ¡°Kissinger fulfills expectations with a reflective, contextual analysis of 20th century political leaders he knew. . . . Recommended for Kissinger¡¯s distinctive perspectives imbedded in scholarly, readable prose.¡± ¡ªLibrary Journal (starred review) ¡°One of America¡¯s most legendary diplomats finds the soul in statecraft in these enlightening sketches of world leaders. . . . Kissinger infuses his lucid policy analyses with colorful firsthand observations. . . . Kissinger¡¯s portraits of politicians spinning weakness and defeat into renewed strength are captivating. This is a vital study of power in action.¡± ¡ªPublishers Weekly
  • 1 Konrad Adenauer: The Strategy of Humility The Necessity of Renewal In January 1943, at the Casablanca Conference, the Allies proclaimed that they would accept nothing less than the 'unconditional surrender' of the Axis powers. US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who was the driving force behind the announcement, sought to deprive any successor government to Hitler of the ability to claim that it had been deluded into surrender by unfulfilled promises. Germany's complete military defeat, together with its total loss of moral and international legitimacy, led inexorably to the progressive disintegration of the German civil structure. I observed this process as part of the 84th Infantry Division of the US army as it moved from the German border near the industrial Ruhr territory to the Elbe River near Magdeburg - just 100 miles away from the then-raging Battle of Berlin. As the division was crossing the German border, I was transferred to a unit responsible for security and prevention of the guerrilla activity that Hitler had ordered. For a person like me, whose family had fled the small Bavarian city of F£¿rth six years earlier to escape racial persecution, no greater contrast with the Germany of my youth could have been imagined. Then, Hitler had just annexed Austria and was in the process of dismembering Czechoslovakia. The dominant attitude of the German people verged on the overbearing. Now, white sheets hung from many windows to signify the surrender of the population. The Germans, who a few years earlier had celebrated the prospect of dominating Europe from the English Channel to the Volga River, were cowed and bewildered. Thousands of displaced persons - deported from Eastern Europe as forced labor during the war - crowded the streets in quest of food and shelter and the possibility of returning home. It was a desperate period in German history. Food shortages were severe. Many starved, and infant mortality was twice that of the rest of Western Europe. The established exchange of goods and services collapsed; black markets took its place. Mail service ranged from impaired to nonexistent. Rail service was sporadic and transport by road made extremely difficult by the ravages of war and the shortage of gasoline. In the spring of 1945, the task of occupying forces was to institute some kind of civil order until trained military government personnel could replace combat troops. This occurred around the time of the Potsdam conference in July and August (of Churchill/Attlee, Truman and Stalin). At that summit, the Allies divided Germany into four occupation zones: for the United States, a southern portion containing Bavaria; for Britain, the industrial northern Rhineland and Ruhr Valley; for France, the southern Rhineland and territory along the Alsatian border; and for the Soviets, a zone running from the Elbe River to the Oder-Neisse Line, which formed the new Polish frontier, reducing prewar German territory by nearly a quarter. Th...
  • Kissinger, Henry [Àú]
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